The awakening of Chinese women - and their dilemma

Fourth installment of the a Peking University session delving into the employment and family choices of Chinese women.

Hi, this is Yuxuan from Beijing. On Nov. 11, 2023, the National School of Development (NSD) at Peking University hosted a session on the employment and family choices of Chinese women. It featured three insightful lectures by Huang Wei, an NSD associate professor with tenure, Zhao Yaohui, an NSD Professor of Economics, and Lei Xiaoyan, a Professor of Economics at both NSD and the Institute for Global Health and Development at Peking University. As the fourth installment of this series, we are bringing you a dynamic dialogue among the three professors, moderated by Wang Xianqing, the Director of the Communications Center at NSD.

In the following dialogue, the professors conducted an in-depth analysis of the factors affecting women's empowerment and birth rates in China. They argue that while economic progress often leads to women's empowerment, it does not automatically translate to lower birth rates. Also, family planning policy alone does not account for the steep decline in China's birth rates. This decline is attributed to a mix of factors, including educational progress, family planning policies, and economic development.

Since the 1950s, the Chinese state has significantly contributed to enhancing women's education and integrating them into the workforce. However, despite these advancements, traditional biases persist, often relegating women to household duties. Consequently, many women juggle their professional responsibilities with domestic tasks, childcare, and attending to their spouses.

The professors note a shift for women born in the 1980s and 1990s. No longer compelled to choose family, they are increasingly focusing on their professional aspirations. However, they continue to confront challenges related to gender inequality, including persistent issues of gender discrimination and workplace biases, which contribute to unequal pay and discriminatory hiring practices against women.

The professors disagree with the notion of reverse gender discrimination, that men face discrimination as a result of traditional discrimination against women. They propose that in recognition of women's irreplaceable role in childbearing, policies must provide more accessible childcare services to significantly support women in balancing their careers and family life.

from left to right: Zhao Yaohui, Lei Xiaoyan, Huang Wei

The Chinese text of the dialogue is available on the official WeChat blog of NSD.

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Wang Xianqing: In recent years, China's birth rate has shown a precipitous decline. Is this a normal consequence of a certain stage of economic development, such as when a country's per capita GDP reaches ten thousand U.S. dollars and there is a concurrent rise in women's education and university graduation rates? Or are there specific factors unique to China that are influencing this phenomenon?

Zhao Yaohui: In my opinion, the economy is not the sole factor. Traditional notions of discrimination against women still linger, but compared to women of the 70s and 60s, those from the 80s and 90s have undergone significant changes. Their knowledge, education level, and workplace competencies have surpassed that of men. A hundred years ago in the United States, women with higher education could choose careers over families under severe gender discrimination, but Chinese women have always chosen family, even including those with higher education, indicating the immense pressure imposed by traditional culture. However, women born in the 80s and 90s have entered a new stage: they are no longer constrained by tradition and feel compelled to choose family in the face of gender inequality. This conflict between traditional notions and the capabilities and values of modern women marks one of the features of this generation, and I believe it is the main reason for the decline in the female birth rate.

Lei Xiaoyan: I agree with Professor Zhao. It's not just economic factors that lead to the decline in birth rates; socioeconomic development has also brought many other factors that collectively contribute to the decline. However, the decline to such low levels is somewhat abnormal. The United States also experienced a decline in birth rates, but not as low as China's at a similar stage of per capita GDP. Of course, the family planning policy accelerated the decline in birth rates. Additionally, conflicts among social groups and the costs of childbearing are also key factors for the rapid decline of birth rates to such a low level.

Zhao Yaohui: Indeed, the regions with the lowest birth rates globally are in the East Asian cultural sphere, including China, South Korea, and Singapore. A commonality among these regions is the prevalence of discrimination against women and entrenched patriarchal systems within Eastern culture. It is essential to recognize the profound impact these societal norms have on women's family choices and consider strategies to effectively address these cultural challenges.

Huang Wei: I also agree with Professor Zhao. it is not accurate to say that economic growth invariably leads to reduced birth rates. Research indicates that in some instances, birth rates actually increase with improvements in economic conditions, indicating that people still want and love children. This demonstrates that there is no direct, uniform relationship between economic growth and declining birth rates. For example, the United States has a relatively high economic level but not a particularly low birth rate. Some European countries, economically more advanced than East Asian nations, also maintain higher birth rate levels.

Looking at historical data and global cross-sectional data, the relationship between economic growth and birth rates is not straightforwardly correlated. In fact, there is a positive relationship between economic growth and the advancement of women. Numerous economists have extensively researched this area, and in recent years, the causal link between economic growth and women's empowerment has become increasingly clear. However, the causal relationship between economic growth and birth rates remains relatively ambiguous.

Zhao Yaohui: The primary factor is the improvement in women's education level.

Wang Xianqing: Why do countries within the Confucian cultural sphere, such as China and other East Asian nations, exhibit relatively low birth rates? Traditionally, Chinese women place great importance on family. Could it be possible that after receiving education and becoming enlightened, they perceive not having children as one of the significant indicators of their independence?

Zhao Yaohui: "I have the right to choose not to marry" was almost inconceivable a century ago, when marriage was often essential for a woman's survival. However, the situation is totally different now. Nowadays, women no longer need to rely on another person for their livelihood. They can live and work independently, and this is closely related to the fact that women's education levels have surpassed that of men.

Wang Xianqing: Associate professor Huang Wei attended some of Goldin's courses during his time at Harvard University. Could you share how Goldin's courses have influenced you?

Huang Wei: Goldin is a pretty chill person in her daily life. She speaks slowly, even in her classes. She is particularly fond of dogs. As far as I know, Goldin probably doesn't have any children. She had a Golden Retriever who accompanied her until it passed away, and then she got another Golden Retriever. Sometimes she would bring her dog to class. Her dog must have listened to many of her lectures; it's like an academic dog.

Apart from that, my job application paper focuses on the relationship between China's family planning policy and the empowerment of women, which is closely related to Goldin's earlier work on the impact of the contraceptive pill on American women. She paid special attention to my paper, meticulously revising it word by word, which had a profound impact on me. It's rare for a Harvard University professor like her to revise a doctoral student's paper with such prudence and precision.

Goldin's husband, Lawrence Katz, is the editor of the Quarterly Journal of Economics (QJE) and a highly distinguished labor economist. Katz has been the editor of QJE since 1992, a remarkably long tenure. A chart displayed on the door of the school office shows the significant increase in citations of articles in the QJE since Lawrence Katz became its editor. The couple have both achieved impressive academic success worthy of Nobel Prizes. They frequently engage in academic discussions together and have co-taught a course. Both in academia and in daily life, they are a very exceptional couple.

Wang Xianqing: Professor Zhao, you mentioned that the United States has now entered the fifth stage, where many people have achieved a balance between family and career. But nowadays in China, more and more women choose not to marry or have children to focus on pursuing their careers. How do you explain this phenomenon?

Zhao Yaohui: In the United States, while the phenomenon of women giving up work to take care of the family after childbirth still exists, overall, American women can better balance their career and family than earlier generations. Compared to American women, more Chinese women choose to focus their attention on family life, a phenomenon that continues today. Despite some subtle changes, the overall situation remained the same in absolute terms.

American women have struggled for decades or even centuries seeking ways to balance career and family. The first phase involved choosing between the two. In the 1920s and 1930s, societal norms did not permit women to work post-marriage, so they could only work before getting married. In the third stage, women prioritized taking care of their families and returned to their careers after their children grew up. Although these women had a longer career period and could work until retirement, they also missed many opportunities in the workplace due to family responsibilities. Having witnessed the unfortunate experience of their mothers, women in the fourth stage decided to develop their careers first and postpone childbirth. Delaying childbirth led to some women being unable to conceive naturally, thus missing the opportunity to have children. Now, in the fifth stage, American women are beginning to balance family and career, and thanks to technologies such as assisted reproduction and egg freezing, women can better balance both aspects.

In China, women, even those with university degrees, have historically been compelled to marry and bear children. After the 1950s, a significant number of women were mobilized by the state to join the workforce. However, traditional notions still had a profound impact on Chinese professional women. They often faced the dual burden of managing their careers while also being responsible for household chores, childcare, and attending to their husbands after a day's work.

During the planned economy era, companies provided nurseries to help working women take care of their children, which meant women could go back to work after a few months of maternity leave. However, nurseries were basically canceled after the reform of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in 2000. Despite the elimination of such support, it remained conventional for women not to quit their jobs to care for children at home.

In the absence of childcare services, women tend to choose more flexible jobs. For example, in the 1990s, there were many female teachers in Chinese universities, which is hard for Americans to understand because in the United States, being a professor is highly competitive. But back then in China, university salaries were low, so many male teachers chose to undertake commercial activities, whereas for women, not having fixed office hours was convenient for taking care of the family. Nevertheless, easy jobs often mean lower income and slower career promotion.

Lei Xiaoyan: The trend we just mentioned—of women choosing to stay at home instead of working—needs to be viewed from two aspects. On one hand, some women voluntarily choose to stay at home, and on the other, some are compelled to do so. In earlier years, it was more about being compelled to stay home to take care of children, while now it's more about voluntary choice.

For women to voluntarily choose to stay home and forego professional work in favor of childcare, two key conditions must be satisfied: Firstly, society must recognize and respect household affairs and childcare as being of equal importance to professional labor, thereby valuing women’s contributions within the home. Secondly, women who choose to stay at home should not fear feeling subordinate to their husbands or risk jeopardizing their marriages due to the absence of a career. Only when these two conditions are met can the decision for women to stay at home for childrearing become a genuine choice, free from the perception of it being a penalty.

Wang Xianqing: Professor Lei highlighted the remarkable pace of changes in birth rates, childrearing, and education levels among Chinese women. However, during this process, it is essential to take into consideration which areas have been handled well and which have not, particularly those that require cultural reshaping.

Lei Xiaoyan: China did a very good job making significant progress in Chinese women's education, enabling them to attain a level of human capital comparable to men. However, the question of whether women can secure equal pay post-education requires further consideration. Despite receiving the same education and human capital training, women still face gender inequality in the workplace. Gender discrimination and workplace bias make it difficult to access equal opportunities and rewards. These issues require continued efforts to bring about changes.

Audience Question: I would like to ask a question about reverse gender discrimination. Reverse gender discrimination refers to scenarios where traditional discrimination against women by men results in men facing discrimination in certain social contexts. A notable example is the compulsory military service required of men in many countries, a mandate not extended to women. Reverse gender discrimination can lead to a loss of benefits for men to some extent. As the professor mentioned earlier, men are burdened with the task of providing financial support for child-rearing. But if women's wages are higher, then it can somewhat alleviate the pressure on men to support the family, which could be more beneficial for men. Is this issue caused by stereotypes of men thinking women are more vulnerable, or are there deeper underlying reasons? Or is this issue itself a false proposition?

Huang Wei: Actually, I think gender discrimination and the issue you mentioned are two different things. In my opinion, discrimination in academic research is different from discrimination in real life; discrimination in academic research refers to a phenomenon at another level. For example, in statistical analysis, we often identify negative or positive significant results and categorize them as instances of discrimination. However, the discrimination you're talking about is more like discrimination in real life.

I believe there's nothing that must be exclusively done by men or women. It is more about negotiating to solve problems on an equal footing. This introduces another concept—comparative advantage. Whoever is better suited for a task should undertake it, as this can improve efficiency. For example, I'm a careless person, while my wife is more meticulous. When our child isn't dressed warmly enough, I might forget to zip up their jacket. But when we got home, my wife would point it out, asking how I could forget and what if the child caught a cold, something I hadn't noticed.

I think the social division of labor arises out of the need for economic development, making various tasks more efficient. The same applies to families; tasks should be divided according to each person's characteristics. Through such division of labor, we can eliminate discrimination and make the entire family and society more efficient and full of love. I believe that's the correct direction.

Lei Xiaoyan: What you mentioned is likely due to different divisions of labor. In our discussion, we focus on disparity caused solely by gender under identical conditions. If this is not the case, the discrimination is caused by other factors, such as differences in educational levels. Professor Zhao and I conducted a study examining gender-based cognitive differences. Our research revealed that among the elderly population in China, women exhibit narrower and less advanced cognitive abilities compared to their international counterparts. In contrast, globally, when assessed using the same cognitive indicators, the differences in cognitive levels between men and women are minimal, with women often demonstrating higher cognitive abilities. We explored the reasons for this and found one of the factors to be differences in educational levels rather than gender discrimination. However, upon further investigation, we discovered that these educational disparities originate from unequal treatment of boys and girls during their childhood education, which indeed points to discriminatory practices. This underscores the importance of not merely focusing on the results but engaging in a thorough and scientific analysis to understand the deeper causal factors.

Audience Question: Professor Zhao mentioned that one of the main obstacles for modern women participating in the workforce is the opportunity cost of labor participation, particularly in challenging job market conditions. Employers may prefer to hire men to avoid the implications of maternity leave. This is the biggest opportunity cost for women. Although policies like extended maternity leave in China appear to favor women, they inadvertently elevate the cost of women's participation in the labor force, making men a more cost-effective option for employers. Childbearing is a joint responsibility of both husband and wife. How can we make men bear the same cost as women from an economic perspective? How can we ensure women get equal job opportunities as men when seeking employment?

Huang Wei: The existing literature offers various evaluations of policies such as maternity leave. Sometimes, policies intended to protect certain groups may inadvertently harm them. For example, regulations mandating a minimum wage for disabled individuals can result in fewer employers willing to hire disabled people. The same can be applied to minimum wage laws for all workers.

Many scholars have discussed the issue regarding maternity leave policies, but there is no consensus yet. The extension of maternity leave has been proven beneficial in some countries while less positive in other countries. In China, some have proposed that men should also be forced to take equally long paternity leave when women take their maternal leave. The issue of maternity leave duration requires an objective and realistic assessment, and the answer will change over time. I believe the United States' response to this question has varied across the past five stages. Therefore, the arrangement of maternity leave continues to necessitate thorough discussion.

Zhao Yaohui: This issue involves the topic of how to reduce the childbearing penalty, also known as the motherhood penalty, which refers to the loss of employment opportunities and income for women due to childbearing. After all, only women can give birth to children. It is an undeniable fact and a role men cannot replace.

Childbirth itself is not the problem, as women can continue to work right up until giving birth without any physical issues. What matters is after childbirth—whether women are devalued in the workplace, whether they become less important, or whether they become a burden to their employers. Policies should focus on alleviating the burden on women to facilitate a balance between their professional and personal responsibilities, thereby making them more attractive hires for companies. For example, there's a significant lack of childcare services for children aged 0-3 years, during which women often dedicate substantial effort to childcare, grappling with challenges such as securing a nanny. This can have a huge impact on their work. Providing timely childcare services allows mothers to send their children to daycare shortly after maternity leave, which increases the possibility of better career development for those career-oriented mothers.

Therefore, it is important to minimize the negative impact of childbirth on women, enabling them to balance work and childbirth responsibilities effectively.

Comparing Women's Choice in Career and Family in China, U.S.