How should Beijing shape domestic discourse on the U.S: A Debate

Whether to go gentle into spinning confrontation of China and the U.S.

U.S. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen visited China from April 3-9, during which Chinese mainstream media extensively covered her engagements, including dining at local restaurants and visiting bars. These days, such coverage of a high-level U.S. official's China visit is notably rare.

In the latest chapter of the intricate China-U.S. relations, today's newsletter features a juxtaposition of two articles sourced from the Chinese internet. Although published under different settings by authors with distinct backgrounds and writing styles, these two articles correspond and oppose each other in numerous and remarkable ways. They are put together in the hope that, as in the words of the French historian Jacques Le Goff, they will reveal aspects of China-U.S. relations beyond facts, events, and material realities—namely, the realm of ideas, images, and dreams.

The first piece is by 王文 Wang Wen, Executive Dean of the Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies at Renmin University of China, originally published on April 9 in three segments [links to Part I, II, and III] on 中宏网Zhonghongwang, a mainstream Chinese media outlet under the National Development and Reform Commission. The consolidated version of Wang's article is available on the official WeChat blog of the Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies.

Wang observed a nuanced shift in Chinese public sentiment towards the U.S., exemplified by the extensive and lighthearted media coverage of Janet Yellen's visit.

1. Historically negative views of the U.S. have bolstered extreme far-left ideologies. "These views, gaining traction online, typically perceive the U.S. as an adversary, oppose China-U.S. cooperation, reject the private economy, criticize the role of capital, dismiss outright the advantages of the U.S. financial system, and express hate speech toward the wealthy. They also advocate for war, subscribe to 'China first' nationalism, and even promote Chinese imperialism."

2. Wang advocates for acknowledging the strengths of the U.S., noting its leadership in technology and effective self-regulating mechanisms. He argues that recognizing and learning from these aspects could enhance China's national capabilities.

3. China's middle class, crucial for private investment, social reform advocacy, and support for private property rights, still views the U.S. as a primary global leader. The predominantly negative portrayal of the U.S. risks eroding the credibility of China’s state media among this group, possibly perceived as governmental distraction from domestic issues.

4. Recommendations include increasing positive U.S. coverage, promoting research for a balanced comparison of Chinese and American strengths, and suggesting that government officials publicly acknowledge U.S. contributions during international events. He also proposes inviting American intellectuals to lesser-known Chinese cities to deepen their understanding of China's societal intricacies and to counter negative American rhetoric.

The second piece is written by 明金维 Ming Jinwei, a former journalist at Xinhua News Agency who then worked for a range of Chinese tech companies. He is the founder of the popular WeChat blog 明叔杂谈 Uncle Ming's Remarks, where he advertised in his bio of being "critical of the U.S. but not anti-U.S." Ming has been repeatedly featured in public events organized by the Cyberspace Administration of China in recent years. Ming's article was originally published on Uncle Ming's Remarks on April 13.

Interestingly, the points in Ming's essay seem to take such an opposing stance to Wang's view, it's as if he wrote it as a rebuttal.

1. America's image in China has reached an all-time low, not due to xenophobia or anti-Americanism from Chinese citizens or media, but because of U.S. actions aimed at containing and suppressing China.

2. The U.S. is a "paper tiger," implying it is outwardly strong but internally weak. The tumult of the Trump administration, the mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic, and the U.S.'s roles in international disputes like those in Ukraine and the Middle East have revealed American double standards and hypocrisy.

3. A segment of the Chinese population, especially the wealthy, remains heavily influenced by American ideology, viewing the U.S. as a paragon of prosperity, liberty, and democracy. Critics of China's posture towards the U.S. often voice concerns out of self-interest rather than national interest because they rely on strong China-U.S. relations for their personal wealth and future prospects.

4. Ming advocates that China actively struggle against U.S. containment efforts without being swayed by fear or undue admiration. This involves understanding the mindset of the American governing class, i.e. "they only believe in power and that everything is transactional." China should confidently set conditions and articulate clearly the risks and consequences that the United States could face.

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耶伦访华后，不妨继续推动中国对美舆论的微调

Janet Yellen's China visit could become an opportunity to further recalibrate China's public opinion toward the U.S.

Yellen's visit to China in early April 2024 catalyzed extensive media coverage within the country that notably diverged from the typically tense narratives of previous years. Reports focused on lighter aspects such as her diet and attire, reflecting a nuanced shift in China's societal expectations toward the U.S.

In recent years, persistently low societal expectations have significantly impeded China's economic growth and threatened its national rejuvenation. While the Chinese government has implemented policies aimed at stabilizing these perceptions, boosting societal confidence continues to be a formidable challenge. To address this, I propose a new supportive measure: a subtle recalibration of the typically negative coverage of the U.S., a major external actor affecting China's rise. This adjustment could persuade ordinary Chinese citizens, particularly the middle class, that China's engagement with the U.S. is ultimately aimed at mutual cooperation and that China continues to learn from and actively make progress alongside the stronger power. Over time, this shift in public perception could transform into a broadly positive expectation, serving as a new catalyst for economic revival. Yellen’s recent visit exemplifies a valuable test of this recalibration of public opinion.

The marginal benefit of negative U.S. coverage is diminishing

Since the 2008 global financial crisis, the Chinese media has gradually been predominated by negative portrayals of the U.S., with diminished emphasis on America's advanced technology and robust national power. The prevailing narrative has shifted away from advocating for learning from American strengths and promoting China-U.S. cooperation towards highlighting the U.S.'s decline, political strife, economic uncertainties, racial tensions, gun violence, and hegemonic behaviors, inciting wars, and crisis spillover.

Currently, as the U.S. designates China as an adversary across various fronts, the critical media coverage of the U.S. in China acts as a strategic and necessary tool. This approach has been effective in boosting national morale, highlighting China’s strengths in contrast to American challenges, and bolstering firm confidence in China's developmental path.

However, against a backdrop of increasing economic pressures, a widening GDP gap with the U.S., slower technological advancements, and a less dynamic stock market in China, the marginal benefit of this negative coverage strategy is waning, while its negative impact on societal expectations is growing.

The primary issue lies in the disconnect between the negative portrayal in Chinese media and the actual state of U.S. power. Despite the accuracy of reports on U.S. internal political discord, economic challenges, and social conflicts, the U.S. continues to lead in technological innovation and benefits from robust self-correcting mechanisms. Furthermore, the U.S. has maintained its ability to externalize domestic crises to solidify its international standing, and its model of "liberty" and "democracy" retains significant global appeal.

The prevalent belief among the vast majority of the world population, including a significant portion of China's middle class, is that the U.S. will remain the world's leading power for the foreseeable future.

Under this perspective, the predominantly negative coverage of the U.S. risks undermining the credibility of China's state media. It may lead many in the middle class to mistakenly perceive that the government is using such coverage to divert attention from domestic issues, showing a reluctance to learn from stronger nations. Additionally, some might misconstrue that the national development goals of “democracy with Chinese characteristics” and the “Chinese path to modernization” emphasized by the central leadership advocate solely for the "Chinese model," neglecting the broader concepts of "democracy" and "modernization."

Furthermore, the prevailing negative portrayal of the U.S. is inadvertently fueling "far-left" ideologies within China. These views, gaining traction online, typically perceive the U.S. as an adversary, oppose China-U.S. cooperation, reject the private economy, criticize the role of capital, dismiss outright the advantages of the U.S. financial system, and express hate speech toward the wealthy. They also advocate for war, subscribe to "China first" nationalism, and even promote Chinese imperialism.

These "far-left" ideologies are gradually leading to tangible consequences, such as suppression of private investment, delays in social innovation, hindrances in international cooperation, and a retrenchment from opening up. Over time, these ideologies are emerging as new but significant impediments to the revitalization of societal expectations.

Of course, critiquing the predominance of negative coverage of the U.S. does not equate to denying its factual elements, nor does it suggest a U-turn toward a flattering, overly positive depiction.

I propose a nuanced, fact-based approach. It is essential to diversify media reports and commentaries about the U.S. by strategically increasing positive coverage where justified while also making appropriate criticisms when necessary. Such an approach would, on the domestic front, provide reassurance to the Chinese middle and high-income groups who harbor complex feelings toward the U.S., and internationally, help present an open image of China, and ease China-U.S. tensions. This approach will ultimately enhance societal expectations, rejuvenate economic vitality, and contribute to China’s sustained rise on the global stage.

Enhanced discussions on learning from the U.S. boost prospects for strengthening China's national strength

The U.S. has long been the greatest external actor influencing China's development. Decades of American propaganda and ideological penetration have shaped many of China's wealthy - the first beneficiaries of reform and opening up - into apostles for the American model of liberty and democracy as ideal for China's development. Since the beginning of the 21st century, approximately 400,000 Chinese students annually have chosen to study in the United States, representing about 50% of all Chinese students studying abroad. Tens of thousands of middle and high-income Chinese individuals annually migrate to the U.S. or invest in real estate there. Additionally, the U.S. has long been China's largest trading partner. All of these highlight the deep-seated impact the U.S. retains on China's growth.

In recent years, China's efforts to debunk and critique American hegemony, challenge U.S. policies, and promote socialist values have started to reshape previously subservient, glorified, or fearful perceptions of the U.S. This reevaluation is crucial and its positive impacts predominantly outweigh the negative ones.

Nevertheless, millions of middle and high-income Chinese with deep ties to the U.S.—through ideas, kinship, and friendships—continue to play vital roles in making private investments, advocating for social reforms, championing private property rights, facilitating international migration, and pushing for reduced government interference. A subtle recalibration of the negative portrayal of the U.S. in Chinese media could help reignite these individuals' confidence in China-U.S. cooperation and strengthen their faith in China's development.

More importantly, making positive coverage of the U.S. when it's due can help broaden and diversify the Chinese domestic audience's perspective on global development. While the U.S. may face long-term challenges, it still boasts considerable strengths and capacities for innovation. Recognizing these attributes can help liberate Chinese societal thought, facilitate the implementation of more open policies, curb the spread of "far-left" ideologies, enhance China's strategic flexibility in its competitive cooperation with the U.S., reduce social disparities, and invigorate the people's pursuit of a better life.

From an international communication standpoint, portraying the U.S. in a more positive light could also reinforce China's image as a friendly, open, and inclusive nation. This approach could help alleviate conceptual conflicts with Western societies, clear up misunderstandings about China, and attract more top international talent (especially those from Western countries) to work, travel, and study in China, thereby reaping greater benefits from global openness.

There is a half-joking, yet somewhat confident adage: "Whoever China learns from will decline quickly!" Historically, China admired Tito's Yugoslavia, a nation that later disintegrated; it followed the Soviet Union, which ultimately collapsed; it has also drawn inspiration from Japan, only to witness Japan's economic stagnation. Currently, the more China discusses learning from and acknowledging the U.S., the more it may ironically contribute to the U.S.'s challenges, thereby, in a twist of fate, potentially strengthening China’s own position.

Practical suggestions for more positive assessments of the U.S.

Adjusting the tone of public discourse on the U.S. by no means implies compromising China's stance or turning away from the critical analysis of U.S. policies and actions. It also does not mean overlooking the U.S.'s negative aspects and hegemonic behaviors. Instead, the objective is to enrich the discourse in China regarding the U.S. to make it more diverse, comprehensive, objective, and confident.

To this end, I recommend maintaining existing practices in reporting on the U.S. while also incorporating more positive coverage and commentary.

First, Chinese state media should increase coverage of U.S. technological innovation, philanthropy, higher education, and thriving stock markets, which are clearly superior to most countries worldwide.

Currently, U.S. investments in intelligent technology account for over 50% of the global total; thousands of U.S. charitable foundations significantly engage the wealthy in national development; U.S. universities remain global leaders in higher education; and the country's stock market prosperity for over 10 months has notably aided its recovery from the pandemic. Objectively reporting and assessing these clear American strengths can not only catalyze deeper reforms and broader opening up in related fields within China but also demonstrate the state's commitment to addressing domestic shortcomings. I believe no directive mandates that official media report only negative aspects of the U.S. Increasing positive coverage of the U.S. challenges, to a certain extent, China's media professionals in the new era to fulfill their responsibilities and uphold journalistic ideals.

Second, Chinese think tanks should focus on producing research reports with themes such as "The Real Status of Chinese and American Strengths"

Chinese think tanks should conduct in-depth research into areas where China has surpassed the U.S., like manufacturing, e-commerce, and infrastructure, while also highlighting that the U.S. has had a more destructive than constructive impact on the world over the past two decades. Conversely, it is essential to objectively document areas where China still trails behind the U.S., such as GDP, financial markets, military power, and technological innovation. This not only demonstrates the government's pragmatic and rational efforts toward national rejuvenation but also aids governmental departments in crafting strategies to bridge these gaps. In fact, for numerous industries in China, the story of development over the past 45 years of reform and opening up is largely a narrative of catching up with the U.S.

In recent years, Chinese think tanks have boldly critiqued U.S. foreign policies and developmental issues, a vital aspect of strengthening China's voice in international discourse. Acknowledging the overall strength gap between China and the U.S. also reflects a deep sense of national responsibility and mission.

Third, government officials should occasionally offer sincere acknowledgments of U.S. contributions on international occasions, such as "We are grateful for U.S. investments" or "We need to learn from American strengths."

China must maintain its unhesitant critiques of U.S. policies aimed at containing China, the negative impacts of the U.S. on global stability, and the expansion of American hegemony. However, it is also essential to recognize the positive aspects of U.S. involvement in China's 45-year reform and opening up, such as investments and the sharing of management expertise and talent development. The advanced mechanisms of U.S. philanthropy, the warmth and kindness of many Americans, and their groundbreaking innovations in intelligent technology merit genuine commendation from the Chinese side. To put it in a confident tone, acknowledging America's strengths in various advanced fields can help portray China's image as humble, moderate, and appreciative, fostering a better public understanding of China's efforts to ease China-U.S. tensions and promote bilateral cooperation.

Fourth, various institutions should frequently invite American intellectual and opinion elites to conduct in-depth research in non-first-tier Chinese cities.

While major Chinese cities like Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen are familiar to many American elites, their understanding often does not extend to the more nuanced, complex, and richly textured aspects of broader Chinese society. In recent years, to counter misconceptions spread by American politicians and think tanks—particularly perceptions of a hostile and unsafe Chinese society following the enactment of the "National Security Law" and the "Counterespionage Law"—Chinese organizations have initiated on-site tours for Americans as part of the broader public diplomacy toward the U.S.

These tours were arranged to include key sites of political and economic significance in China that also hold particular interest for American visitors: Liangjiahe [a village in Shaanxi Province where Xi Jinping lived and worked during the Cultural Revolution — translator's note], Hangzhou, Xinjiang, Xizang (Tibet), Pudong, and Yiwu. Allowing American visitors to freely explore these varied locales will enhance the positive impacts of China-U.S. cooperation and China's efforts to ease bilateral tensions both within domestic and international public discourse. This approach not only helps construct a more relaxed domestic environment by mitigating both domestic and international societal anxiety but also contributes to an overall enhancement of societal expectations.

In conclusion, while boosting societal expectations is a complex and enduring task, a subtle recalibration of public opinion toward the U.S. is comparatively simpler, less costly, more immediately effective, and urgently needed. I believe this nuanced shift in public perception of the U.S. will trigger a butterfly effect, catalyzing deeper reforms and broader opening up in China. This will gradually improve Chinese societal expectations, accelerate economic recovery, and contribute ultimately to the grand objective of national rejuvenation.

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美国在中国的形象“破产”了，这是好事

The U.S. image has gone bankrupt in China — and it's great

from Uncle Ming's Remarks by Ming Jinwei

Without a doubt, America's image in China has deteriorated to an all-time low since the reform and opening up. However, the primary reason for this is neither the "blind xenophobia" of Chinese netizens nor the "blind anti-Americanism" of Chinese media. Rather, it stems from recent actions by the United States itself that are persistently aimed at containing and suppressing China. These actions have significantly stirred patriotic sentiments among the Chinese populace and a shared sanguine passion in confronting the U.S. containment and suppression.

Moreover, the "bankruptcy" of America's image in China can be attributed to three important factors:

• The Biden administration has persistently attempted to contain and suppress China, while hypocritically repeating commitments made at the 2022 Bali summit that the United States does not seek a new Cold War, does not seek to change China's system, does not seek to revitalize its alliances against China, does not support "Taiwan independence", and has no intention to have a conflict with China. [Although the five commitments appeared multiple times in Chinese official remarks, they have not been confirmed by the Biden administration, according to the VOA. — translator's note] This glaring deceit between statements and actions has led to a severe "trust crisis" among Chinese netizens towards the Biden administration.

• The presidency of Donald Trump and the subsequent chaos in the U.S. during the pandemic have made many Chinese netizens realize that not only is the adage "the moon is rounder abroad" [a Chinese expression describing fascination with the West] mistaken but that "America's moon" is increasingly problematic. The United States does not embody the democracy, civility, and nobility it claims to represent, nor is it as "great" as some Chinese public intellectuals have depicted.

• Major international incidents, such as the Russia-Ukraine conflict and the Israel-Palestine conflict, have further enlightened Chinese netizens to America’s "double standards," revealing the true side of the United States which is hypocritical and draconian.

However, in China, some people are still "hopelessly enamored" with the United States. For some, their perception is deeply rooted in their cognitive development; they were born and raised during a special historical period when the United States was seen as the most prosperous and powerful nation in the world. This deeply ingrained belief that "America is better than China" persists, resistant to change despite evolving global dynamics.

Additionally, some people remain enamored with the United States due to personal interests. These individuals may have received financial or verbal support from the U.S. or rely on strong China-U.S. relations for their personal wealth and future prospects. Since 2018, when Trump initiated a unilateral, illegal "trade war," these people have been moaning incessantly, "How can China not maintain good relations with the U.S.?" and "If China doesn't manage its relations with the U.S. well, it has no future." While these outlandish statements may appear to be in the “interest of the nation," they ultimately serve their own interests.

Furthermore, some of these individuals do not merely remain enamored with the United States but also harbor foolish illusions about the bilateral relationship. They believe that if China were to simply lower its stance, acquiesce more to American demands, and avoid actions that displease the U.S., then America might treat China more favorably. This belief reflects a sort of "petty-bourgeois childishness."[borrowing from Lenin — translator's note]

Over the next 5 to 10 years, it is unlikely that the United States will abandon its strategy of containing and suppressing China. Failing to recognize this could lead to significant pitfalls for ourselves. Whoever wins the U.S. presidential election after 2028 - Biden, Trump, or anyone else - the fundamental strategic perception and stance of the US towards China are not expected to undergo any major changes.

Ultimately, the United States is a "paper tiger." [borrowing from Mao Zedong — translator's note] However, if China fails to manage its affairs adeptly and cannot withstand American pressure, this "paper tiger" could transform into a "real tiger" posing a genuine threat. Only by strengthening its capabilities and actively engaging on the international stages to break the American "encirclement" can China expose the true nature of the United States as a "paper tiger."

The concept of China's "struggle" with the U.S. does not imply an approach of "pure struggle without cooperation" or "struggling for the sake of struggle." Rather, it entails "seeking survival, cooperation, and unity through struggle." The aim of this struggle is to temper the actions of America's extreme anti-China forces, compel the United States to retreat when faced with challenges, and secure favorable conditions for China in the long-term strategic competition.

It is essential to understand the mindset of the American governing class. They only believe in power and that everything is transactional; concepts like "benevolence, righteousness, etiquette, wisdom, and faithfulness" [quoting five constant virtues in Confucian theories — translator's note] are beyond the comprehension of their civilization. Therefore, when the United States seeks China's assistance, China should confidently set conditions. Similarly, if the United States introduces policies aimed at containing and suppressing China, it is vital for China to articulate clearly the risks and consequences that the United States could face.

Some say that even a weakened United States is still more formidable than others, akin to the Chinese idiom, "even a scrawny camel is bigger than a horse." However, I find it more accurate to compare the United States to the Rongguo House from the classic Chinese novel "Dream of the Red Chamber"—glittering on the exterior but moldering internally. China would not wager on the decline or collapse of the United States, but the evident internal and external challenges America faces are telling enough. Recognizing this reality is essential to dismantle any idolization, flattery, or fear of America, and to compete, struggle, and transact with United States from a realist perspective in international relations.

P.S. I would like to add two points:

Firstly, even today, some stubborn "old public intellectuals" [pro-West online commentators — translator's note] still fantasize about China following the American path, advocating for a so-called "democracy" akin to that of the United States. However, from my travels to more than forty countries, it is evident that those nations which were conned by the United States into adopting electoral politics and plutocracy, invariably find themselves dominated by capitalists, with a recurrent rise in aristocratic politics and persistent internal strife. Such fragmentation benefits the United States, as it facilitates the establishment of puppet regimes and proxy forces. Clear examples today include Ukraine, the Philippines, and Taiwan Province of China.

Secondly, there has been an online epidemic of attacks and slander directed at Professor Zhang Weiwei [张维为, professor of international relations and Director of the China Institute at Fudan University — translator's note]. Professor Zhang has systematically and theoretically reinforced China's confidence in its path, theory, institutions, and culture, actions which have deeply unsettled and embarrassed the "spiritual Americans" [a nickname for pro-America groups — translator's note] and "old public intellectuals." In response, these groups have launched relentless efforts to smear and attack him, and even contaminated some of the younger generation. I am confident that Professor Zhang's transcends these attacks; he will indifferent to them. However, it is imperative that that more conscientious, confident, and independent-minded Chinese individuals stand up to counter this malicious epidemic against Professor Zhang.