Henry Huiyao Wang: China-led SCO is a critical salve for the ailments of the global order

CCG President argues that Shanghai Cooperation Organisation does not seek to replace the UN but amid UN paralysis, regional multilateralism can help sustain global order.

Below is the latest opinion column in the South China Morning Post by Henry Huiyao Wang, Founder and President of the Centre for China and Globalisation (CCG).

Opinion | China-led SCO is a critical salve for the ailments of the global order

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation does not seek to replace the UN but amid UN paralysis, regional multilateralism can help sustain global order

Eighty years after World War II ended, the multilateral system is faltering. The United Nations, once the symbol of post-war peace and cooperation, is increasingly sidelined by unilateral actions and trade wars, amid the marginalisation of the Global South in decision-making.

We are at risk of a world where tariffs and sanctions replace negotiation, conflicts multiply and the very principles of international law are often ignored. If the international community is to avoid drifting further into fragmentation, new governance approaches are urgently needed.

It is in this moment of turbulence that the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) gathered in Tianjin, China, for its largest summit ever, underscoring its growing role as a forum for stability, dialogue and development across Eurasia.

What began over two decades ago as a regional body to manage border security has evolved into a comprehensive institution with economic, cultural and, increasingly, global faces. The summit delivered not only political dialogue but also set forth new mechanisms of cooperation, including a SCO development bank.

Chinese President Xi Jinping also unveiled his Global Governance Initiative, the latest of proposals that include the Belt and Road Initiative, Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative and Global Civilisation Initiative. The new framework sets out five guiding principles: sovereign equality, adherence to the international rule of law, support for multilateralism under the UN system, people-centred development and action-oriented cooperation.

It is a critical salve for the ailings of today’s global system where some states raise tariffs and undermine global institutions, while others call for reform but fail to deliver. The SCO embodies the five principles, providing a platform for countries of different cultures, ideologies and political systems to cooperate.

Economic and trade issues stood out in Tianjin. Amid mounting protectionism, the SCO committed to keeping regional markets open and inclusive. Europe has moved to tighten rules on imported vehicles and the United States continues to rely on tariffs and sanctions as tools of leverage, but China has gone in the opposite direction. It is removing its tariffs for 53 African countries, opening its market to some of the world’s poorest nations.

The message is simple: as globalisation looks to be retreating, there are still major powers willing to promote openness and inclusion. For SCO members and their partners, that example provides confidence that there is a cooperative path forward.

Just as important, the summit placed digital cooperation and the green transition at the heart of its agenda. Across the SCO, local champions from fintech to e-commerce are reshaping economies, while China is providing infrastructure, training and technological expertise. Projects linking renewable energy to computing capacity, as in Xinjiang, offer models of how to combine resource endowments with sustainable innovation.

SCO member states also pledged to expand scholarships, scientific exchanges and joint research programmes, investing in the human capital needed for the next development phase. These steps reflect the action-oriented spirit China emphasised, turning rhetoric about cooperation into measurable outcomes.

The SCO is not only about economics. In a world where interstate war has returned on a scale unseen in decades, the organisation’s convening power is itself a public good. The Tianjin summit saw the leaders of China, India and Pakistan at the same table – a rare moment given historical tensions in South Asia. Such encounters do not resolve disputes overnight, but they build the habits of dialogue and trust that are indispensable for peace.

Similarly, the SCO provides a forum where discussions on Ukraine, Gaza and other conflicts can take place without the ideological divisions that often paralyse other bodies. Its capacity to bring diverse actors together, including states with different political systems and security concerns, is becoming an important counterweight to the polarisation dominating global affairs.

The SCO is no replacement for the UN, nor does it seek to be. But as the UN grapples with paralysis, regional multilateralism has a growing role to play in sustaining global order. Alongside Brics, which has expanded its outreach to Africa and Latin America, the SCO shows how the Global South can organise, articulate its interests and create institutions.

These organisations do not reject the system; rather, they reinforce the principles of the UN Charter through practical initiatives.

China’s role in this evolution is central. As the world’s second-largest economy, it has both the responsibility and resources to support multilateral efforts. By cutting tariffs, financing infrastructure, sharing technology and convening dialogue, it shows leadership is not only about military power or diplomatic rhetoric, but the ability to generate benefits and confidence.

Whether through the Belt and Road Initiative, development banks or SCO projects in energy and digital transformation, China shows multilateralism can be revitalised through deeds.

The world is in danger of drifting into disorder. Conflicts are rising, global trade rules are under strain and the legitimacy of international institutions is being questioned. But the lesson of Tianjin is that alternatives exist.

By broadening its mission, launching institutions and embracing inclusiveness, the SCO shows it can be a pillar of multipolar stability. The Global Governance Initiative’s framework provides a philosophical compass, while the SCO and Brics supply the practical means to steer through turbulence.

If the post-war multilateral system is to be repaired, vision and action are required. The SCO’s evolution suggests that even in an era of fragmentation, models of cooperation are emerging. For the over 3 billion people of its member states and the wider international community, this is an unalloyed good.